What We Learn From FDR's New Deal?
Economics Without The B.S.**:
[** Double entendre intended.]
The biggest
lesson from FDR’s years as president are two, outlined by David Kennedy in his
history ‘Freedom From Fear’; they are: (1) that the federal government has a much
bigger role to play in the affairs of the nation and that the people must be
involved with that role the government plays; and (2) with the outbreak of
hostilities in Europe in particular, but also in Asia, the United States would
have to be a more active participant in world affairs and have a role in
securing democracy’s standing internationally.
It was FDR’s
intent right from the start in 1932 when he was running against President
Hoover to make those domestic changes, although he did not make any specific
public announcements to that effect.
After the election he had a long period until he took office, about four
months (from the November election to the first week in March when he was sworn
in) and that was plenty of time for his Brain Trust to go to work and design the
architecture of the New Deal.
One of the
very first things the new administration did was address the outflow of gold
from government reserves, the gold standard, and the effect on the banking
system. They did this by delinking the
dollar to gold, eventually taking the country off the gold standard, devaluing
the dollar to other currencies while raising prices domestically when the
government bought farm commodities and provided subsidies to farmers. These inflationary actions at a time of a
deflationary spiral had the effect of raising a pricing level that had
deteriorated during the depression and re-establishing a pricing level closer
to what existed in the mid-1920s. These
actions were done in series with new legislation introduced during the first
one hundred days and with executive action that required no new
legislation. It was subsequently
followed by further action over the next few years.
Another very
important measure taken was to reinforce authority the government already had
but was not used by the prior administration – namely giving the Reconstruction
Finance Corporation (RFC) a much broader mission to bail out the collapsing
banking system and to buttress the sagging industrial production. President Hoover created the RFC in his last
year, 1932, and even appointed a Democrat, Jesse Jones, to head the agency;
but, Hoover gave it no charge to do anything.
FDR saw the opportunity, kept Jones on board (from 1933 to 1945), and
the RFC under FDR/Jones pumped tens of billions of dollars (in then current
dollars) into the economy reviving the banks, rebuilding the industrial sector,
and getting it into war production when war broke out.
The use of
Jesse Jones is illustrative of way FDR handled people and empowered federal
agencies. Jones started in business in
the 19th Century, moved to Houston at the turn of century and became
a successful entrepreneur and industrialist/builder, eventually becoming a leading
banker and civic leader. He lived
through the 1908 Panic and participated in the World War I mobilization. President Hoover never took advantage of this
talent and experience, FDR had him as a close advisor, one who visited
President Roosevelt each morning in his residence before he started his day in
the Oval Office to go over business, like fixing the dollar’s value to gold; or,
what bank to save, what bank to let go, or what bank to consolidate with another. FDR trusted Jones’ arbitrary judgement. Jones understood the consequences of economic
and public policy making in a democratic society composed of various income
groups and the vicissitudes of economic behavior during good times as bad. He was an avid supporter of the President and
could articulate FDR’s policies to the business community.
A third
thing we can learn from FDR in our present time of a great political divide, is
how to garner the strength of the American democratic process. In 1932 when FDR first ran for president, the
Democratic Party was not a unified national party. It was the Republican Party that was supreme
nationally, except for the South. The
Republican Party dominated national politics at the presidential level and in
the Senate from the post-Civil War up until 1932; while splitting control of
the House of Representatives half the time with Democrats. It was the failure of Hoover and Republican
ideology during the Great Depression that opened the possibility for the
Democrats; and, FDR was a master politician who formed a new broad national
coalition that made the modern Democratic Party that we still can recognize
today with some semblance of the past -- a broad coalition of labor, some
business, urban big city populations, rural populist leaning populations,
farmers especially small farmers, and even attracting some African-Americans
away from the Party of Lincoln.
I like to compare
the transition from Hoover to FDR as a transition for Americans from the 19th
Century to the 20th Century – more specifically the role of the
federal government in our society and its connection to the people. The best example I can think of is the
horrendous flooding of the Mississippi River in 1927 wreaking havoc on several
states, one of the worst natural disasters of all time even up to today. Coolidge was president at that time. His attitude, typical for the 19th
Century, was that the federal government had no role at all in disaster relief
or recovery; that it was up to property owners and local governments to take
charge. The Congress at that time did
step in and President Coolidge signed the legislation without fanfare. Oddly enough it was Herbert Hoover, as
Coolidge’s Secretary of Commerce, who stepped in the role of providing relief,
much like he did after World War I. But
during the Great Depression, President Hoover was a minimalist up until his
last year, and then as contemporaries said “He was too little; too late” – and that
included what Jesse Jones said of Hoover as his head of the RFC comparing it
with his job with FDR.
Nineteenth
century Americans viewed success and failure in business and life with some
sort of moral narrative and saw the charity system there to provide a backstop
during times of need. The Great
Depression overwhelmed our charity system beyond where it could function. It took Franklin Roosevelt, and Eleanor, to
see that the 19th Century pioneering spirit of Americans was still
there in the 1930s and the people just needed a little help to get back on
their feet. And so a social-welfare
function of the federal government was created to meet that national
calamity. It took a president stricken
with polio in the prime of his life through no fault of his own, to show
empathy and bring resources for average working class folks and businesses, who
through no fault of their own experienced the personal failure or misfortune
during the Depression not as a moral lapse but as a chance happening deserving of
another chance to do good once again.
What did we
learn from the New Deal? Well, a lot of
mistakes were made in implementing the New Deal; but, overall it provided a
blueprint for how the federal government can take a more active role in
providing guidance and some degree of regulation in a free enterprise system
that values the creativeness and contributions of individual effort in a modern
democratic society. The very best
example of this is not the 1930s, but the post-war period of 1947 to 1974 where
the Greatest Generation, those who grew up with FDR were in their prime of
political leadership. It is especially
the 1960s that will be the most productive period in American history with the
lowest gap in income inequality, rates of GDP growth that are double what we
have experience in the last twenty years if you just take the good years and
leave out all the recessions (2001, 2007 to 2009, and present), and with
unemployment numbers that are even better than today (approximately 3.5% during
both periods, but an unemployment rate for folks unemployed six months or more
which was around 5% back then and is still around 20% as of last year); and a Debt-to-GDP
Ratio back then that was declining from 70% to 40% over the ten years of 1960s
spending (which included the Vietnam War and Great Society Programs), whereas
we are increasing our indebtedness. By
the mid-1960s, the economy was performing at near peak performance; whereas, as
good as we have been doing up till this year, we still had a lot of slack in
the economy and a continual growing gap of income inequality. So you be the judge.
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